Dr. Caroline Kline, an assistant director for the Center for Global Mormon Studies at Claremont Graduate University in California, spoke at the University of Utah Wednesday. Kline, a self-described “Mormon feminist,” discussed the rise of the “tradwife” movement on social media and the history of women within the Mormon church.
What is a “tradwife”?
“Tradwife,” short for “traditional wife,” emphasizes traditional gender roles and homemaking for women. According to Kline, two of the most notable figures in the movement are Hannah Neeleman and Nara Smith. Both women have millions of followers on Instagram and have popularized the tradwife movement as a “genre of content,” Kline elaborated. “Viewers can read it as aspirational, ironic, glamorous, or simply entertaining. Domesticity here is not framed as religious duty or moral obligation; it’s performance.”
Kline highlighted the rise of what she termed “girlboss culture,” which gained traction before the tradwife trend. This earlier movement encouraged women’s success in the corporate world and traditionally male-dominated fields. Kline argued that this emphasis on “having it all” contributed to burnout among modern American women. “The message was that if you were part of [girlboss culture], you could master both your career and personal life,” she explained. “The catch, of course, was that workplace policies and economics never really changed to make this possible.”
Delving deeper, Kline explained the ties between tradwife content and Mormonism. Both Neeleman and Smith are members of the Mormon church, and Kline noted that tradwife content frequently features themes of farms, homesteads, and Western frontier imagery, especially among Mormon women.
The history of Mormon feminism
Kline also explored the historical context of women in the Mormon church and the legacy of “Mormon feminists.” She remarked that “Mormon feminism has been sustained from at least the 1970s to today.” Kline pointed out that due to the unique nature of the Church, Mormon women often had more autonomy than their eastern counterparts, making them key figures in social change.
The practicalities of frontier life provided women with responsibilities that were seldom accessible to women in other regions. “Their husbands with plural wives were frequently absent,” Kline noted, “whether on missions or church assignments. This left women to earn a living, manage multiple households, and take full responsibility for raising their children.” Necessity, in this case, opened up spaces for significant autonomy.
This autonomy, combined with the life skills imparted by the Church, cultivated capable leaders among Mormon women; however, Kline indicated that this leadership was not always supported by the Church. “Mormonism creates great women leaders. It just doesn’t know what to do with them,” she remarked. Citing President Benson’s 1981 talk, which affirmed “a mother’s place is in the home,” Kline illustrated how societal expectations can confine women’s roles even when they have the capability to lead.
According to her, for many women at the time, retreating into domesticity was not just culturally encouraged but also considered a sign of righteousness. “If you didn’t quit your job and continued to provide for your family, you were still seen as falling short of what God desired for you,” she explained. While some women embraced these traditional roles, others resisted, especially as gender norms were becoming increasingly restrictive in Mormon culture.
Today, Kline observes that the messaging around women’s roles has become somewhat more relaxed, leaning toward “equal partnership.” However, she noted some remnants of the past still linger. “Mormon women, even today, are living with this double message. Though the weight of the discussion is more flexible in partnership these days, hints of traditional expectations persist,” she said.
